Leonardo Morlino

Il 20 agosto 2018, data in cui si concluso il terzo programma di aggiustamento economico per la Grecia, ha segnato simbolicamente la fine di quasi un decennio di crisi e piani di salvataggio. Tuttavia, nonostante siano trascorsi oltre dieci anni dall'inizio della crisi dell'Eurozona, i paesi dell'Europa del Sud non si sono ancora completamente ripresi. Le conseguenze della crisi sono, in certa misura, ancora visibili, e non solo dal punto di vista dei retaggi economici: si pensi a fenomeni quali la nascita di partiti di protesta, il crescente euroscetticismo espresso da diversi settori dell'opinione pubblica, il succedersi di fasi di instabilit politica, la contrazione del welfare state.

Toute recherche qui se veut « scientifique », même au sens le plus large du terme, ne peut faire abstraction d’une analyse préalable de ses aspects méthodologiques. Il faut commencer par déterminer un sujet qui suscite notre intérêt et notre curiosité ; puis se poser une question qui le concerne ; procéder à la formulation d’une ou de plusieurs hypothèses de travail ; puis au choix des cas à étudier et, enfin, au recueil des données nécessaires pour répondre à la question soulevée et vérifier la ou les hypothèses formulées…

This book provides an in-depth account of the politics of the Eurozone crisis in Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus and Malta, mapping the positions expressed by the governments of Southern EU countries during the Eurozone crisis negotiations, including Greece’s bailout deal, the so-called “Six Pack” and the “Fiscal Compact” and exploring the process of domestic preference formation. The book relies on original data resulting from fieldwork conducted in the context of the EU Commission- funded Horizon 2020 project “The Choice for Europe since Maastricht”.

This book questions whether and to what extent a conjunctural phenomenon such as an economic crisis can bring about lasting political consequences. It focuses on the parties and party systems of four South European countries (Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece) between 2008-15. The authors also consider how elections, protests, and interests are affected by the crisis in these four democracies, before assessing how to define the impact of the economic crisis on political participation and competition. In this vein the book analyzes relevant aspects of party systems, the notion of neo-populism as a key to understanding new actors of South European policy, and interest intermediation as a factor of weakness in managing the crisis. Finally, the authors summarize the empirical results emerging from the research: the partial reshaping of cleavages as well as the relevance of the establishment vs. anti-establishment cleavage for the emergence and success of neo-populist parties. The book will be of use to students and scholars interested in South European politics, comparative politics, and democracies.